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Categoría: Esquire

1 Agosto 2006

C J Chivers: The SCHOOL

SEPTEMBER 1

AFTERNOON. THE GYM. Kazbek Misikov stared at the bomb hanging above his family. It was a simple device, a plastic bucket packed with explosive paste, nails, and small metal balls. It weighed perhaps eight pounds. The existence of this bomb had become a central focus of his life. If it exploded, Kazbek knew, it would blast shrapnel into the heads of his wife and two sons, and into him as well, killing them all.

Throughout the day he had memorized the bomb, down to the blue electrical wire linking it to the network of explosives the terrorists had strung around them hours before. Now his eyes wandered, panning the crowd of more than eleven hundred hostages who had been seized in the morning outside the school. The majority were children, crouched with their parents and teachers on the basketball court. The temperature had risen with the passing hours, and their impromptu jail had become fetid and stinking with urine and fear. Many children had undressed. Sweat ran down their bare backs.

His eyes settled on his captors. Most of the terrorists had left the gym for defensive positions in the main school building, leaving behind a handful of men in athletic suits or camouflage pants. These were their guards. They wore ammunition vests and slung Kalashnikov rifles. A few were hidden behind ski masks, but as the temperature had risen, most had removed them, revealingfaces. They were young. Some had the bearingof experienced fighters. Others seemed like semiliterate thugs, the sort of criminal that had radiated from Chechnya and Russia's North Caucasus during a decade of war. Two were women wearing explosive belts.

Kazbek studied the group, committing to memory their weapons, their behavior, their relations to one another, and the configuration of their bombs. A diagram of their handiwork had formed in his head, an intricate map that existed nowhere else. With it was a mental blueprint of the school, in which he had studied as a boy. This was useful information, if he could share it, and Kazbek thought of fleeing, hoping he might give the Special Forces gathering outside a description of the bombs and defenses. Already Kazbek assumed this siege would end in a fight, and he knew that when Russia's soldiers rushed these rooms, their attack would be overpowering and imprecise. He knew this because he once was a Russian soldier himself.

He evaluated the options. How does my family get out? Escape? Passivity? Resistance? His wife, Irina Dzutseva, and their sons, Batraz, fifteen, and Atsamaz, seven, were beside him. Kazbek was a tall man with neat dark hair and a mustache, and Batraz, who was growing tall as well, had the hint of a beard. Kazbek had made him remove his shirt, exposing a boyish frame. He hoped this would convince the terrorists that, unlike his father, Batraz was not a threat, and he would not be rounded up with the men. Kazbek's mind was engaged in this sort of agonizing calculus, trying to determine the best way to save his children from a horror with too many variables and too many unknowns. How best to act? Yes, he had information to share. But even if he escaped, he thought, the terrorists might identify his wife and sons. And then kill them. They had already shot several people, including Ruslan Betrozov, who had done nothing more than speak. No, Kazbek thought, he could not run. He also knew that any uprising by the hostages would have to be swift and complete. There were few terrorists in the gym, but by Kazbek's count at least thirty more roamed the school. How could all of these terrorists be overcome by an unarmed crowd, especially when even before rigging the bombs the terrorists had created an immeasurable psychological advantage? "If any of you resists us," one had warned, "we will kill children and leave the one who resists alive." There would be no resistance. Who, after all, would lead it? Already the adult male captives were dying. Many had been executed. Most of the others were in the main hall, kneeling, hands clasped behind their heads.

Kazbek was lucky. The terrorists had overlooked him during the last roundup. He had been spared execution.

Now his mind worked methodically. He wanted no one to see what he planned to do. Slowly, almost imperceptibly, his hand moved over the floor to the blue wire. Kazbek was forty-three. He had been a Soviet sapper as a younger man. He knew how bombs worked. He also knew how to disable them. The bomb overhead was part of a simple system, an open electric circuit rigged to a motor-vehicle battery. If the terrorists closed the circuit, current would flow from the battery through the wires and detonate the bombs. But if Kazbek pulled apart the wire inside its insulation, no current could flow. Then, he knew, if the circuit snapped closed, the bomb above his family would not explode. Kazbek had spent much of the day folding the wire back and forth, making a crimp. It was only a matter of time.

He lifted the wire. Back and forth he folded the notch, working it, looking directly at the men who would kill him if they knew what he was doing. He would disconnect this bomb. It was a step. Every step counted. His mind kept working. How does my family get out?

9:10 AM. THE SCHOOLYARD. Morning marked a new school year at School No. 1 in Beslan, beginning with rituals of years past. Returning students, second through twelfth graders, had lined up in a horseshoe formation beside the red brick building. They wore uniforms: girls in dark dresses, boys in dark pants and white shirts. The forecast had predicted hot weather; only the day before, the administration had pushed the schedule an hour earlier, to the relative cool of 9:00 A.M. Students fidgeted with flowers, chocolates, and balloons, waiting for the annual presentation, when first graders would march before their schoolmates for the opening of their academic lives.

Zalina Levina took a seat behind the rostrum and greeted the milling parents. Beslan is an industrial and agricultural town of about thirty-five thousand people on the plain beneath the Caucasus ridge, part of the Russian republic of North Ossetia and one of the few places in the region with a modicum of jobs. For the moment, work seemed forgotten. Parents had come to celebrate. Irina Naldikoyeva sat with her daughter, Alana, four, and glimpsed her son, Kazbek, seven, in the formation with his second-grade class. Aida Archegova had two sons in the assembly. Zalina was baby-sitting her two-and-a-half-year-old granddaughter, Amina. They had not planned on attending, but the child had heard music and seen children streaming toward the school. "Grandma," she had said, "let's go dance." Zalina put on a denim dress and joined the flow. Already it was warm. The first graders were about to step forward. The school year had begun.

The terrorists appeared as if from nowhere. A military truck stopped near the school and men leapt from the cargo bed, firing rifles and shouting, "AUahu akhbar!" They moved with speed and certitude, as if every step had been rehearsed. The first few sprinted between the formation and the schoolyard gate, blocking escape. There was almost no resistance. Ruslan Frayev, a local man who had come with several members of his family, drew a pistol and began to fire. He was killed.

The terrorists seemed to be everywhere. Zalina saw a man in a mask sprinting with a rifle. Then another. And a third. Many students in the formation had their backs to the advancing gunmen, but one side did not, and as Zalina sat confused, those students broke and ran. The formation disintegrated. Scores of balloons floated skyward as children released them. A cultivated sense of order became bedlam.

Dzera Kudzayeva, seven, had been selected for a role in which she would be carried on the shoulders of a senior and strike a bell to start the new school year. Her father, Asian Kudzayev, had hired Karen Mdinaradze, a video cameraman for a nearby soccer team, to record the big day. Dzera wore a blue dress with a white apron and had two white bows in her hair, and was on the senior's shoulders when the terrorists arrived. They were quickly caught.

For many other hostages, recognition came slowly. Aida Archegova thought she was in a counterterrorism drill. Beslan is roughly 950 miles south of Moscow, in a zone destabilized by the Chechen wars. Police actions were part of life. "Is it exercises?" she asked a terrorist as he bounded past.

He stopped. "What are you, a fool?" he said.

The terrorists herded the panicked crowd into a rear courtyard, a place with no outlet. An attached building housed the boiler room, and Zalina ran there with others to hide. The room had no rear exit. They were trapped. Thedooropened.Amaninatracksuitstood at the entrance. "Get out or I will start shooting," he said.

Zalina did not move. She thought she would beg for mercy. Her granddaughter was with her, and a baby must mean a pass. She froze until only she and Amina remained. The terrorist glared. "You need a special invitation?" he said. "I will shoot you right here."

Speechless with fear, she stepped out, joining a mass of people as obedient as if they had been tamed. The terrorists had forced the crowd against the school's brick wall and were driving it through a door. The people could not file in quickly enough, and the men broke windows and handed children in. Already there seemed to be dozens of the terrorists. They lined the hall, redirecting the people into the gym. "We are from Chechnya," one said. "This is a seizure. We are here to start the withdrawal of troops and the liberation of Chechnya."

As the hostages filed onto the basketball court, more terrorists came in. One fired into the ceiling. "Everybody be silent!" he said. "You have been taken hostage. Calm down. Stop the panic and nobody will be hurt. We are going to issue our demands, and if the demands are implemented, we will let the children out."

Rules were laid down. There would be no talking without permission. All speech would be in Russian, not Ossetian, so the terrorists could understand it, too. The hostages would turn in their cell phones, cameras, and video cameras. Any effort to resist would be met with mass executions, including of women and children.

When the terrorist had finished, Ruslan Betrozov, a father who had brought his two sons to class, stood and translated the instructions into Ossetian. He was a serious man, forty-four years old and with a controlled demeanor. The terrorists let him speak. When he stopped, one approached.

"Are you finished?" he asked. "Have you said everything you want to say?"

Betrozov nodded. The terrorist shot him in the head.

9:20 AM THE ADMINISTRATOR'S OFFICE. Irine Dzutseva Kazbek Misikov's wife, huddled near the desk, embracing Atsamaz, her first-grade son. Atsamaz was quiet and waiflike but dressed like a gentleman in black suit and white shirt. Irina could feel his fear. They hid amid papers and textbooks, listening to the long corridor. Doors were being opened, then slammed. They heard gunshots. Atsamaz clung to a balloon. "Where are Papa and Batik?" he asked. "Were they killed?"

The first graders and their parents had been standing at the main entrance and were among the first to see the attack. Irina had turned back into the school and bolted down the corridor as the shooting began, charging down the hall in high heels, pullingher son by his hand. She heard screams and a window shatter. Glass tinkled on the floor. The corridor was longand still; their footfalls echoed as they passed each door, the entrance to the gym, the cafeteria, and the restrooms. At the end of the hall they rushed upstairs to the auditorium and crouched behind the maroon curtain on the stage with other mothers and students. Balloons were taped to the ceiling. Posters decorated the wall. Behind the curtain was a door, and they pushed in and settled into an office packed with books. Short Stones by Russian Writers. Methods of Teaching. Literature 5. Irina looked at the others: four adults and six children. They were cut off and could only guess at what was happening outside. They sat in the stillness, waiting to be saved.

After about half an hour, someone pushed against the door. A child called out hopefully: "Are you ours?"

The door swung open. Three terrorists stood before them, beards hangingbeneath masks. "God forbid that we are yours," one said, and the group was marched down to the gym with terrorists firing rifles into the ceiling.

In the gym they encountered a scene beyond their imagination. Almost the entire student body had been taken captive, a mass of distraught human life trapped as if it were under a box. Children's cries filled the air. The gym was roughly twenty-eight yards long by fifteen yards wide, and its longer sides each had a bank of four windows, ten feet by ten feet, with panes made from opaque plastic. Light came in as a glow. A wide streak of blood marked the area where Betrozov's corpse had been dragged. Irina hurried with Atsamaz to the far corner and found Batraz, her older son. She understood that their lives would be leveraged in a test of wills against the Kremlin. Hope rested with negotiations, or with Russia's security forces, not known for tactical precision or regard for civilian life. The last time a Chechen group had seized hundreds of hostages, at a theater in Moscow in 2002, Russian commandos attacked with poisonous gas. At least 129 hostages died.

Two young women wearing explosive belts roamed the wooden floor, wraithlike figures dressed in black, their faces hidden by veils. Irina shuddered. Russia has an enduring capacity to produce ghastly social phenomena; these were the latest occurrence of the shahidka, female Islamic martyrs who had sown fear duringthe second Chechen war. The Russian news called them black widows, women driven to militant Islam and vengeance by the loss of Chechnya's young men. The hostages noticed an incongruity: The black veil worn by one shahidka framed the neatly sculpted eyebrows of what seemed a teenager who had recently visited a beauty salon.

Two terrorists entered the room with backpacks and began unloading equipment: wire and cable on wooden spools, bombs of different sizes, including several made from plastic soda bottles and two rectangular charges, each the size of a briefcase. With pliers and wire cutters, they set to work, assembling the components into a system. Their plans became clear. Many of the small bombs would be daisy-chained together and hoisted above the crowd, and a line of larger explosives would be set on the floor. The hangingbombs served two purposes: They were a source of mass fear, forcing obedience from the hostages underneath. And elevation ensured that if the bombs were to explode, they would blast shrapnel down from above, allowing for no cover. Virtually everyone would be struck by the nuts, bolts, ball bearings, and nails packed inside. The terrorists assigned the tallest hostages, including Kazbek, who is six foot three, to lift the bombs. The choice of suspension showed malign ingenuity: They strung cables from one basketball hoop to the other, dangling the bombs on hooks. Kazbek realized the terrorists had inside information. Not only had they planned the basketball hoops into their design, but the cables and wires were precut to size, as if they knew the dimensions before they arrived. The bombs were a custom fit.

The weight of the rig at first caused bombs to sag near the children's heads. "Do not touch them," a terrorist warned, and then instructed Kazbek and others to pull the slack out of the system. The network was raised higher, higher, and then nearly taut, until the deadly web was up and out of reach. Kazbek assessed the trap: It was like a string of Christmas lights, except where each bulb would go was a suspended bomb. A terrorist stood on the trigger, and the system was connected to a batter)'. If the triggerman were to release his foot, Kazbek knew, the circuit would close. Electricity would flow. The bombs would explode.

AFTERNOON. THE MAIN HALL. Asian Kudzayev carried a chair through the longblue hall under the watch of his guards. He was hurrying through his tasks. He had been put in a work gangthe terrorists formed from adult male hostages and ordered to barricade the classroom windows. The terrorists worried that Russian Special Forces would attack. The hostages proved to be a useful labor pool. Asian wore white pants, a white shirt, and white shoes. He was thirty-three and lanky, with short brown hair. As he lugged the chair, a terrorist with a bandaged arm pointed a Makarov 9mm pistol in his face. Asian stopped. "You have short hair," the terrorist said. "You are a cop."

Aslan shook his head. "No," he said. "No."

The terrorist told him to empty his pockets, and Asian showed him a wallet, money, and keys. He owned a building-supply store. Nothing about him said cop. The terrorist signaled him to return to work.

Once the windows were blocked, the men were ordered to sit in the hall, hands behind their heads. By now the terrorists were emerging as individuals; the hostages were forming a sense of their captors. There were the leaders and the led, and the led were organized into teams. Some specialized in explosives. Others were jailers, controlling the hostages in the gym. The largest group was in the main building: a platoon preparing to fight off a Russian assault. They had come with packs of food, coffee, and candy, as well as sleepingbags, gas masks, and first-aid kits. Each had a rifle and wore a vest bulging with ammunition. Some had hand grenades. A few had 40mm grenade launchers mounted under their rifle barrels.

Aslan began to understand their command structure. All of them deferred to a light-footed and muscular man with a bushy reddish beard whom they called the Colonel. He paced the corridor with a cocky strut, his shaved head topped with a black skullcap, exuding the dark charisma of the captain of a pirate sloop. He was charged with energy and power and seemed fired with glee. Beneath him were midlevel commanders, including a Slav who used the name Abdullah and had pointed the pistol at Asian's face. Asian grudgingly marveled at their discipline and skill. They had taken the school, laced it with bombs, and made it a bunker in half a day. Say what you want about these bastards, but they are not stupid, he thought. They know what to do.

He and two other hostages were ordered to their feet and taken down the hall to the library, where they were given axes and picks and told to tear up the floorboards. Asian wondered whether the terrorists had a cache of weapons under the planks, but he could see nothing in the hole he made and was led back to sit. Captive in the corridor, growing tired and cramped, Asian realized he had come to the end of his life. He fell to reverie. Slowly he reviewed the things that made him what he had been: his marriage, the birth of his two daughters, the success of his business. He felt regret that he had not yet had a son. An Ossetian was supposed to have a son. Now and then he was startled by nearby rifle fire, but he could not tell where it came from. He returned to daydreaming. He thought: What will they say at my funeral?

EARLY AFTERNOON. THE GYM. The terrorist was sick of Larisa Kudziyeva. She had been shouting, even after they had ordered everyone to be quiet. She was lean and beautiful in a quintessentially Caucasus way, with fine skin and dark hair and brown eyes, a look intensified by her black blouse and skirt. She did not look her thirty-eight years. The terrorist was one of the young men guarding the hostages. He wore his mask. He walked toward her to quiet her, for good.

Larisa had spent the first hours of captivity tending to Vadim Bolloyev, a father who had been shot near the right shoulder. He lay on the basketball court silently, holding in his pain. His white shirt was soaked red. He was growing weak. "Why did they shoot you?" she had asked him.

"I refused to kneel," he said.

Larisa urged him to lie back and placed her purse under his head. She inspected his wound. The bone had been shattered. Blood flowed freely. She tried using a belt as a tourniquet but could not position it. Sweat beaded his forehead. His son, Sarmat, six, sat beside him in a white shirt and black vest, watching his father slip away.

Larisa had not wanted to come to school that day. Her six-yearold son, Zaurbek, was starting first grade, but she had asked Madina, her nineteen-year-old daughter, to bring him. Her husband had died of stomach cancer in April. She was in mourning and felt no urge to celebrate. But after they left, Larisa looked outside at the crowds movingto the school. Go with them, a voice told her, and she rushed to her balcony. "Wait for me!" she called down.

Now she leaned over a bleeding man, struggling to save him. Her daughter was enrolled at a medical academy. "You are a future doctor," Larisa whispered. "What do I do?"

"There is no way to save him," Madina said. "His artery is damaged. He needs an operation."

Larisa felt fury. She would not let him die. She shouted at a terrorist across the room. "We need water and bandages!" she said. No one answered. She shouted again. She was breaking rules. The terrorist approached. "Why are you yelling?" he said.

"I need bandages," she said.

"Are you the bravest person here, or the smartest?" he said. "We will check." His voice turned sharp: "Stand up!"

Bolloyev grabbed her shirt. "Do not go," he said. Larisa slipped free and stood, and the terrorist shoved her with his rifle toward a corner where confiscated cameras and phones had been piled and smashed.

"What are you doing?" she demanded.

He ordered her to kneel. "No," she said.

For this Bolloyev had been shot. "I told you," he said. "Get on your knees."

"No," she said.

For a moment they faced each other, the terrorist and the mother, locked in mental battle. She looked into his mask; freckles were visible near his eyes. A hush fell over the gym. The hostages had seen Betrozov's murder. Now came Larisa's turn. The terrorist raised his Kalashnikov, past her chest, past her face, stopping at her forehead. He pressed the muzzle against her brow. Larisa felt the circle of steel on her skin.

Bolloyev propped himself on an elbow. Larisa's children looked on. She reached up, grasped the barrel, and moved it away. "What kind of spectacle are you playing here, and in front of whom?" she snapped. "There are women and children here who are already scared."

The terrorist paused. Thinking quickly, she tried to convince him that Ossetians were not enemies of Chechens, a difficult task, given that enmity between Ossetians, a Christian people with a history of fidelity to Moscow, and the Islamic Chechens and Ingush, who have longbeen persecuted, is deep. "Your children rest in our sanatoriums," she said. "Your women give birth here."

"Not our wives and children," the terrorist said. "They are the spawn of Kadyrov."

The word stung. Kadyrov-the surname of former rebels who aligned with Russia and became the Kremlin's proxies. The separatists despised them with a loathing reserved for traitors. Larisa was stumped. Abdullah had been rushing across the gym; he stepped beside them. "What is happening here?" he said.

"This guy wants to execute me because I asked for water and bandages for the wounded," she said. Abdullah studied the two: his young gunman, the woman who stared him down.

"There is nothing for you here," he said. "Go back and sit down and shut up."

She pointed to his bloodied arm. "Your arm is bandaged," she said. "Give me some of those bandages."

"You did not understand me?" he said. "There is nothing for you here. Go back and sit down and shut up."

Larisa returned to her place. Her children stared at her. Bolloyev lay back down. His lips were violet, his forehead coated in sweat. His death could not be far away. She was enraged.

AFTERNOON. THE GYM. Zalina Levina could not console her granddaughter, Amina, and did not know what to do. She had stripped the pink skirt and red shirt from the toddler's sweaty skin. It was not enough. Amina cried on, filling Zalina with dread. The terrorists had grown more irritable, and their threats were multiplying. "Shut your bastards up or I will calm them down fast," one had said. Zalina worried the child would be shot.

Zalina knew Chechnya firsthand, having lived in Grozny, its capital, before the Soviet Union collapsed. She remembered its mountain vistas and orderly atmosphere. The city had industry, a university, an oil institute, a circus, a soccer stadium, and rows of apartment buildings on tree-lined streets. She also remembered its brutality. Nationalism had sprouted anew as Moscow's grip weakened. Old animosities reemerged. In the early 1990s, before the first Chechen war, a group of Chechen men had stolen her brother-in-law's car. "We give you a month to leave," one had said, "or we will return and burn down your house." The family fled to Beslan, sixty-five miles away, across what would become a military front. Zalina thought she had escaped the war.

Now Amina kept crying and Zalina's anxiety grew. There seemed no reason for hope. The terrorists were demanding a withdrawal of federal troops from Chechnya, and if the hostages knew anything about Vladimir Pu tin, Russia's president, they knew he was unlikely to do this. Putin's success rested in part on his reputation for toughness. He was not one to grant concessions, certainly not to separatists, for whom his disdain was well-known.

As they waited, the hostages were miserable in the heat. The gym was too crowded to allow for much movement, which forced them to take turns extendingtheir legs. Others leaned back-to-back. The terrorists gave little relief. Sometimes they made everyone display their hands on their heads, fingers upright, like rabbit ears. Other times, when the gym became noisy with crying children, they selected a hostage to stand, then warned everyone: Shut up or he will be shot. But silence, like a federal withdrawal, was an almost impossible demand. Children can stay quiet for only so long.

Amina cried and cried. I have to save this child, Zalina thought. She opened her dress and placed a nipple under Amina's nose. Zalina was forty-one years old and not the toddler's mother. But she thought that maybe Amina was young enough, and a warm nipple familiar enough, that any nipple, even her dry nipple, would provide comfort. Naked and sweaty, Amina took the breast. She began to suck. Her breathing slowed. Her body relaxed. She fell asleep. Be still, Zalina thought. Be still.

AFTERNOON. THE GYM. Larisa Kudziyeva's defiance made her known to her captors, and in the hours after she was nearly shot, she noticed a terrorist staring at her. He was not wearing a mask and often turned his eyes toward her. He was just less than six feet tall, thick-armed and meticulous, possessing a seriousness the other terrorists seemed to respect. His camouflage pants were pressed. His black boots were laced tight. He had a freshly trimmed beard and eyes that lacked some of the bloodlust evident in the others. Larisa thought he must be in his early thirties, old enough to have waged guerrilla war for ten years. He was a negotiator and spent much of the time talkingon a mobile phone with Russians outside. Between calls his eyes settled on Larisa.

Her anger had not subsided. She had kept working on BoIloyev, pressing rags to his wound. Each came away soaked. The blood grew sticky and spoiled in the heat; Larisa never knew a man's blood could smell so bad, like a butcher's drain. She shouted for aid again, for water, for bandages, but no one listened. As he was dying, Bolloyev asked for his daughters, who were also in the gym, and Larisa called to them. The terrorists punished her by posting a shahidka beside her with a pistol and instructions to shoot if she made another noise. Bolloyev weakened further and asked his son, Sarmat, to recite his address and names of relatives, as if he knew he would die and wanted the boy to rehearse his lines to rescuers, should they find him alone.

As Bolloyev faded, pallid and shivering, Abdullah ordered him dragged away. "Where are you taking him?" Larisa demanded.

"To the hospital," he said.

She knew it was not true, and fumed. Later, as the temperature soared, she took a group of children to the bathroom. Returning, she sat beside the one who stared. There was a connection here. She intended to use it.

"You are probably the only person who can tell us something about our fate," she said.

He looked at her, up close for the first time. She had washed away Bolloyev's blood. "You will stay here until the last federal troops leave Chechnya," he said.

"That is not a one-day matter," she said.

"Once negotiations start, you will have everything," he said. "Food. Water. Everything."

He sat with his rifle and phone, an underground fighter who had stepped into view. Men like this lived in Russia's shadows, biding time, praying, emerging on occasion to kill. Once a constant presence on television, they had disappeared into their insurgency. Now the hostages' lives were under his control. "What is your name?" she asked.

"Ali," he said. It was not a name common to the mountains.

"Is that a name or a nickname?"

"I see you are a wise woman," he said.

"Answer the question," she said. "A man should have a name. This is what differentiates him from an animal."

"It is a nickname," he said. "Now I am AIi. In the previous time, I was Baisangur."

"And your real name?" she said.

"I no longer need it," he said. "There is not a person left alive who can call me by my name."

Baisangur-a legendary Chechen warrior who had fought Russia in the nineteenth century, part of a generation revered in separatist lore. The most famous of these fighters had been Imam Shamil, whose name passed through generations to Shamil Basayev, the one-footed separatist commander whose wisecracking practice of terrorism made him Russia's most wanted man. Basayev planned hostage seizures and recruited shahidkas; the terrorists in this gym prepared under his command. Baisangur's martial pedigree was more pure. The original Shamil had been captured and accepted a pardon from the czar. Baisangur fought to his death.

Yes, once he had been Baisangur, and before that he used his real name. But years ago, AIi said, as Russia was trying to quell their rebellion, a warplane took off from this area and dropped bombs on a Chechen village. There were no men where the bombs landed. But the village was not empty. It was crowded with families. Those bombs, he said, exploded among his wife and five children. Everyone who loved him was dead. He looked at Larisa, the incandescent one. "My wife looked just like you," he said. "Even twins do not look so alike."

Larisa needed information; she pushed. "What is the name of your village?" she asked.

"You do not need to know it," he said. "You do not know what is happening in Chechnya."

AUGUST 30

SHORTLY AFTERDAWN. CHECHNYA. The road to Grozny runs southward across a plain toward the sparkling and snowcapped Caucasus ridge, a setting so empyreal that had history been different it might be a land of fable. As the road continues on, crossing the swirling Terek River, bunkers and checkpoints appear, first occasionally and then frequently, from which sunburned Slavic soldiers look wearily out. Chechnya is a dot on Russia's vastness, an internal republic the size of Connecticut. But the Kremlin covets and fears it, and has flowed soldiers and police over its borders, ringing it with layers of security and denying most access to outsiders. It is a war zone and a region whose recent inner workings are largely unknown.

Short of the capital, the terrain becomes steep and scarred with artillery trenches, from which Russian batteries long ago fired their barrages. The city beyond these hills is a ruin, a warren of nibble and shattered buildings in which many of the remaining inhabitants camp in the wreckage of their homes. In the annals of recent conflict, few places have seen such a multiplicity of horrors and then fallen so swiftly from the public discourse. After Chechnya declared independence in 1991, prompting Russia to invade three years later, the Chechens became a source of fascination in the West. They were tribesmen who merged mountain traditions with modern life, an Islamic people speaking their own language, bound by ancient codes of honor and hospitality, and seeking independence as they fought armored columns in front of their homes. Their symbol was the wolf, but they were underdogs, local people who seemed to win skirmishes against a world power with little more than rifles and the force of will.

No matter those moments of military success, the Chechens' separatist urges have led nearly to their destruction. Russia and the rebels signed a cease-fire in 1996, and the Russian military withdrew, leavingbehind a rebel-led government. Chechen independence and self-governance had been born. The result was disastrous. The young government, which inherited formidable problems and had little aid or revenue, was largely abandoned by the Kremlin, which seemed eager for it to fail. Inexperienced and prone to internal quarrels, it proved barely capable of governing and flashed an affinity for ancient notions of Islamic law, going so far as to show public executions on TV. Crime soared, corruption was unchecked, and ransom kidnappings became common enough to have the feel of an approved line of work.

Whatever the merits of the conventional portrait of the Chechen rebel, war and rackets warped many of them out of popular form, leading them to lives of thuggery and organized crime. Chechnya's people waited for autonomy to improve their lot. But nationalism led to warlordism, and warlordism to more sinister associations. Some prominent commanders, including Shamil Basayev, allied themselves with international Islamic movements that had taken root in Pakistan and Afghanistan, steering the republic deeper into isolation and attracting foreign jihadis to the slopes of the Caucasus. With Basayev's blessing, a dark-maned Arab field commander who used the name Ibn alKhattab and had fought in Afghanistan and Tajikistan opened trainingcamps in the mountains. Recruits arrived from Chechnya and elsewhere in the Caucasus, especially from nearby Ingushetia, and from Turkey, Central Asia, and Arabia. They studied weapons, tactics, and the manufacture of bombs. Under the sway of fighters, autonomous Chechnya was recognized by only one foreign government: Afghanistan's Taliban.

Spurred by Prime Minister Putin, who was soon to become president, Russia sent its armor back to Chechnya in 1999. This time Russia fought unsparingly. With little regard for life or property, its military surrounded Grozny and pounded the capital with rockets, artillery, and aircraft, collapsing the city around the rebels. Sweeps and barrages destroyed villages and towns. The destruction was of an order not seen since World War II; Grozny's sagging hulks invited comparisons to Warsaw, 1944. The city fell early in 2000, and Putin, by then president, declared the battle ended. A new policy took shape. Russia would garrison troops and equipment and provide money, instructions, and political support. But local administration was to be handed over to Chechens deemed sufficiently loyal, a formula flowingfrom the institutional memory of a weakened empire. The appointment of proxies was accompanied by a message that became more hollow the more it was repeated on state TV: There is no war. We have won.

No verified casualty counts exist for the wars, but all agree the human toll has been vast, ranging from tens of thousands of Chechens killed to more than two hundred thousand. Setting aside the numbers, the years of violence and atrocities made clear that as public policy, little could be less wise than extensive killing in Chechnya, where tradition asks blood to be washed in blood. Chechens are bound by adat, an oral code that compels families to avenge the killingof their relatives. By the time President Putin claimed victory, enough blood had been spilled for a fury lasting generations. It mixed not just tribal urges for revenge and independence but racism and militant Islam.

The war that did not exist continued. Unable to defend Grozny conventionally, the rebels formed guerrilla bands, hiding amid the local populace and in nearby Russian republics and traveling between Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, where the Chechen diaspora is large. Islamic unrest expanded through Russia's territory in the Caucasus, and underground jamaats with connections to the Chechens formed in at least six of the region's internal republics. A rhythm emerged. Almost daily the separatists or their allies would stage small attacks or plant mines, and occasionally they would mass for large raids. In response to a spreading insurgency, the Russians set out to annihilate it, raiding homes in search of young men and generating complaints of rape, torture, robbery, and abduction. Macabre profiteering took hold, including sales of corpses back to families for burial.

Terrorism had been part of the separatists' struggle since before the first war. Basayev's debut was as an airplane hijacker in 1991; mass hostage-taking began in 1995. But as death tolls rose and separatists were driven further underground, more turned to terrorism, then suicide terrorism. The rebels destroyed Chechnya's seat of government with a truck bomb in 2002 and assassinated the Kremlin-backed president in 2004. At the center was Basayev, sardonic and lame. His terrorist group, the Riyadus-Salakhin Reconnaissance and Sabotage Battalion of Chechen Martyrs, included ethnic fighters from the Caucasus and foreigners, including Arabs and a few Europeans.

A nationalist turned nihilist, Basayev made clear he thought Russian civilians were fair targets. After scores of hostages died at the theater in Moscow, he suggested Russia suffered what it deserved. "It turned out that these were innocent civilians who had gone to the theater for recreation," he wrote. "In this regard, you have to ask yourself: Who are the more than three thousand children aged under ten who died during the three years of the brutal and bloody war in Chechnya? Who are the more than four thousand children who lost their legs, arms, eyes, who ended up paralyzed? Who are the thirty-five hundred missing people who have been abducted from their homes or detained in the streets by the Russian occupiers and whose fate remains a mystery? Who are the two hundred thousand slain women, elderly, ill, children, and men? Who are they?"

Blood meets blood. Such were the rules in Basayev's war. And this time he was not sending terrorists to a theater. He had ordered them to a school.

EVENING, THE EXECUTION ROOM. Sometime after 5:00 P.M., while sitting in the hall with other male hostages, Asian Kudzayev overheard the terrorists listeningto the news on a radio. The announcer was discussing the siege, and Asian understood that the world knew the students of Beslan were hostages. It was his first taste of the outside world since the siege had enveloped them, and it gave him a vague sense that they would be helped.

A few minutes later the Colonel appeared and ordered him and Albert Sidakov, another hostage, down the hall. Their walk ended in a literature classroom on the second floor, where eight dead men, broken by bullets, lay in a pool ofblood. A portrait of Vladimir Mayakovsky, the revolutionary poet, hungon the far wall, which had been chipped by bullet impacts. Asian understood. Throughout the day, men had been led off in small groups. Those who had not returned had been taken here and shot. As he and the others had sat downstairs, fingers interlocked behind their necks, the terrorists had realized the job of fortifying the school was done. Male hostages had become expendable. They were being culled.

"Open the window and throw these corpses out," the Colonel said.

Asian and Albert lifted the first body to the sill and shoved it out. They moved to the next. So this is how Asian would spend the last minutes of his life: When the eighth body was pushed onto the grass, he knew, he and Albert would be shot. Time was short. He glanced around the room. The Colonel was gone. Alone terrorist guarded them. Asian assumed the terrorists would not throw out the bodies themselves, for fear of snipers. He and Albert were valuable for a few minutes more. They pushed out two more of the bullet-riddled men, including one who seemed to still be alive. Asian leaned and pretended to retch.

The terrorist had removed the magazine from his Kalashnikov and was reloading it, round by round. "Let's jump out the window," Asian whispered to Albert.

Albert was silent. "Let's jump," he whispered again.

"How?" Albert said, looking overwhelmed.

Asian realized that if he was going to leap, he was goingto leap alone. Their guard's rifle was unloaded. This was it. He bent to another corpse, then rushed toward the bloody sill. He hit in a push-up position and propelled himself out. The drop was eighteen feet, and he descended and slammed onto the bodies in a crouch. A bone in his foot popped. He rolled toward the school wall, reducing the angle the terrorist would have to fire at him, and began crawling away from the window. He worried the terrorist would drop a grenade. Gunfire sounded.

The terrorist's mask appeared in the window. The wall was nearly two feet thick, making it difficult for him to fire near the foundation without leaning far. He opted to try. His barrel blasted. Bullets thudded near Asian. Bits of soil and grass jumped beside him. He scurried to the building's corner. Before him was a parking lot. He crawled on, puttingcars between him and the window. The terrorist did not know where he was and fired into several cars, searching.

Asian heard shouts. At the edge of nearby buildings, local men with the police and soldiers waved him to safety. He was so close, but an instant from death. The police had been told that if they harmed a terrorist, hostages would be executed in return. They held their fire. More bullets struck cars. A soldier threw a smoke grenade, hoping to obscure the terrorist's line of sight. It sent up a plume, which drifted the wrong way. Someone threw another, and a third, and a cloud rose between Asian and his tormentor. He crawled with all of his speed and reached a railroad ditch in front of the school. He rolled in and lay still on the dirt. His white outfit was covered with grass stains and blood. Asian was out. His wife, two daughters, and mother-in-law were still inside.

AVENING. THE MAIN HALL AND EXECUTION ROOM. Karen Mdinaradze was not supposed to be here. He kneeled in the hall, his nose near the plaster, hands behind his head. Male hostages were lined up the same way to his right. To his left was a thin older man. Beyond him stood a shahidka, keeping watch.

Karen's luck was worse thanbad. He was nol a resident of Beslan. He was a videographer hired to videotape Asian's daughter Dzera during her role as bell ringer. He had not wantec the job, but Asian persisted, and finally Kar en gave in. He had been framing the girl in hi; viewfinder when the terrorists arrived. So fa' he was untouched, but he suffered a banal af fliction. Karen was highly allergic to pollen and many children had come to school will flowers and had carried them to the gym whei they were captured, surrounding him with ir ritants. His eyes had reddened. His breathin; was short. He felt luck running down. At abou 3:00 P.M. a terrorist ordered him to the hall. Although he looked strong-he was built like wrestler-his allergies drained him. Fatigu settled over him with the arrival of dusk.

The woman near him exploded.

There had been no warning. One secon she was standing there, a veiled woman black. The next she was not, having been torn apart in a roaring flash. The explosives into her to pieces, throwing her head and legs into the geography classroom. Much of her flesh splashed along the walls. Shrapnel and heat shot out from the belt, striking the men in the corridor as well as another terrorist who guarded them, who was knocked to the floor. The other shahidka was also pierced with shrapnel. She fell, blood running from her nose. Karen felt heat and debris smack his left side. His left eye went dim. But the older man between him and the shahidka had absorbed much of the shrapnel, creating a shadow in which Karen was spared the worst. He was briefly unconscious, but came to, slumped forward against the wall. He thought he was dying and traced his palms along his face and head. His eyelid was torn, and he had shrapnel in his face and left calf. Heat had seared his salt-and-pepper hair, making it feel like brittle wire. Someone handed him a handkerchief and he wiped his face, pulling out plaster. "IfI die, tell my mother and wife I love them very much," he told the man.

He surveyed the gruesome space. The thin man beside him, who had shielded him, breathed fitfully. His hips and legs faced the wrong direction, as if his lower spine had spun around. Karen knew he was in the last minutes of life. The injured terrorist had been set on a door removed from its hinges, and Abdullah knelt beside him, reading in Arabic in the lilting rhythm of prayer. Someone produced a syringe. The terrorist was given an injection, became still, and was carried away. After a few minutes a terrorist addressed the wounded. "Go to the second floor and we will provide you medical assistance," he said.

Karen stood with those who were able and limped upstairs to the Russian-literature classroom, and saw dead hostages piled on the floor. The injured men were given an order: "lie down."

Their lives ended in an instant. A masked terrorist stepped forward, shouted, "Allahu akhbar!" and fired bursts from fifteen feet away, sweeping his barrel back and forth. The air filled with their cries and the thwacks of bullets hitting heavy flesh. The men rolled and thrashed. Errant bullets pounded the wall. At last the hostages were motionless, and the terrorist released the trigger. He pulled a chair to the door and straddled it with the hot barrel resting in front of him. He was listening. A moan rose from the pile. He fired again.

He remained for a few minutes, watching, listening. The room fell still. The night was warm. He rose and walked away.

NIGHT. THE PALACE OF CULTURE. Outside the school, Russia's local and federal authorities struggled to react to the hostage crisis, whose scale and ferocity had overwhelmed them.

Although the main Beslan police station was practically next to the school, its officers had not mustered a coordinated effort to aid the women and children. Federal soldiers from the 58th Army in Vladikavkaz, North Ossetia's capital, had flowed into Beslan during the day, joined by commandos from the former KGB, members of the famed units known as Alpha and Vympel. But so far the most anyone had done was form a disorganized perimeter, a cordon with uncertain orders and under uncertain command. The tactical leaders on the ground, in fact, seemed so unschooled in tactics that their cordon's outer limit was within range of the terrorists' small-arms fire, and families of the missing, who roamed the edges, were occasionally exposed to the 40mm grenades the terrorists fired out. A sense of logistics escaped these officials as well. No fire-fighting equipment was staged. There were few ambulances. Many of the soldiers were lightly equipped, without the helmets or body armor they would need in a close-quarters fight.

Just beyond the window from which Asian Kudzayev had leapt, within earshot of the executions, a vigil had formed. Relatives massed at the Palace of Culture, a grandly named Soviet movie house, consoling one another and worrying over the possibility of a Russian assault. They were a living picture of fear. Some were numb. Some were despondent. Hundreds paced. Many displayed the deflated calm of the helpless, people whose families were at stake but who had no influence over what came next. Now and then gunfire would sound. There would be a collective flinch. A few women would wail. Every few hours, Russian and local officials would leave the administration building, walk past the statue of Lenin, and brief the families in the palace. Each time they assured them they were doing all they could. And each time they said the terrorists had seized roughly 300 hostages, which was a lie.

NIGHT. THE EXECUTION ROOM. Karen Mdinaradze lay in the spreading pool of blood. It was dark. The room was quiet. The terrorist had fired without takingprecise aim, relying on the automatic rifle to cut through the pile of men, and had missed one man. As bullets killed everyone around Karen, he fell behind a man who must have weighed 285 pounds. This man had been struck. Karen was not. He survived his own execution. After his executioner walked away, he lost sense of time. He saw the chair in the doorway and the open window and wanted to leap out. But he heard footsteps and was afraid.

In time the terrorist returned with two more hostages and ordered them to dump the bodies. Corpse by corpse they lifted the dead to the sill and shoved them out. The pile grew on the grass below. Three corpses remained when they came to Karen. He did not know what to do. He assumed the two men would be shot when their task was done and assumed he would be shot if he was discovered alive. But he knew he could not be thrown out the window; the drop was eighteen feet. The men bent to lift him. He felt a pair of hands clasp behind his neck and hands tighten on his ankles. He rolled forward and stood.

The men gasped. Karen rocked on his feet.

The terrorist told Karen to come near and stared at him, eyes moving under his mask as he surveyed his intact frame. "You walk under Allah,"he said.

"Now throw out the rest of the corpses and I will tell you what to do next."

Two bodies remained, including that of the heavy man behind whom Karen had fallen. He lifted him by the belt as the other two took the legs and head and pushed him out. Another terrorist appeared, and the two captors pointed excitedly; Karen realized they had decided not to kill him. The three hostages were ordered downstairs to wash, then led to the gym.

Karen sat. His head was cut and bruised, his left eye blinded, his clothes drenched in blood. A woman near him whispered-"Did they hit you with a rifle butt?"-and he passed out.

SEPTEMBER 2

BEFORE DAWN. THE BATRROOM. Zalina Levina rose at midnight. Rain was falling. Many of the children slept. The terrorists had not granted bathroom privileges for hours, but now the gym was quieter, and she wanted to try again. The bathroom was not lined with bombs; she thought she might hide with her granddaughter there. None of the terrorists stopped her, and she carried Amina into the room and sat. Her neighbor Fatima Tskayeva was already there, cradling her baby, Alyona, as rain pattered outside.

Whispering in the darkness, Fatima told of signs of dissent in the terrorists' ranks. The shahidkas, she said, seemed to have been deceived, as if they had not known they would be targeting children. One of them had used the bathroom in the evening, and was menstruating and upset. Now, Fatima said, the shahidkas were dead, killed in an explosion hours before. Fatima also said that some of their captors were capable of compassion. Her other daughter, Kristina, ten. whose heart was weak, had fainted earlier. Abdullah had picked up the girl and given her a tablet of validol, an herbal medicine for tension and heart pain. None of this made sense to Zalina, and she wondered about her own daughter. What would she think of Zalina bringing Amina to the school? Amina was not a student. There was no reason for her to be here. i have to save this child, she thought.

Under a desk stacked in the barricade she saw a lump of dried chewing gum. Zalina peeled it free, rolled it into a ball, and put it in her mouth. Slowly she worked it between her teeth, softening it with saliva. A faint taste of sugar spread on her tongue. It was food. She kept pressing and rollingit between her teeth, restoring it to something like what it had been. The gum absorbed more saliva and softened. It was ready. She plucked it from her lips and fed it to the toddler in her arms.

MORNING. THE GYM. The Colonel stormed onto the court. Negotiations, he said, were failing. Russia was not responding, and was lying, saying only 354 hostages were in this room. "Your president is a coward," he snarled. "He does not answer the phone."

For these reasons, he said, he had announced a strike. There would be no more water and no food for the hostages. Bathroom privileges had ceased. The terrorists had told Russia's negotiators, he said, that in solidarity with their cause the hostages had agreed to these terms.

LATE MORNING. THE GYM. Abdullah pulled aside Larisa Kudziyeva, the commanding presence in a gym full of fear. He wanted to know who she was. A Chechen, or perhaps a member of another of the Islamic mountain people in the Caucasus?

"Do you have your passport with you?" he asked.

"Why should I bring my passport to a school?" she said.

"Are you Ingush?" he asked.

"No," she said.

"What is your last name?"

"Kudziyeva."

He studied her black clothes. "Why are you dressed like that?" he asked.

"It is how I choose," she said. Her defiance was almost reflexive.

Abdullah proceeded with his offer. The shahidkas were dead, but an explosive belt remained. This hostage, who could look into her executioner's barrel without flinching, was a candidate to wear it.

"We will release your children, and if you have relatives, we will release them, too," he said. "But for this you will have to put on a suicide belt and a veil and become one of our suicide bombers."

Larisa wondered about the shahidkas. "Where are yours?" she asked.

"Yesterday your soldiers tried to storm the building and they died," he said. It was a lie.

"I am afraid I may spoil everything-I am not a Muslim," she said. "How much time do I have to decide?"

"You have time," he said. "Sit down and think."

She returned to her children. The women nearby were curious. The temperature had risen again. The crowd was weak. "What did he want?" a woman asked. Larisa told them. "Do it," the woman said. "Maybe they will let us go."

AFTERNOON. THE GYM. Kazbek Misikov felt the wire separate between his fingers. His task was done: Inside its insulation, the wire had broken. But chance contact, he knew, might still allow a spark to jump across, and he needed to be sure the two ends could not meet incidentally. This required a finishingtouch, and Kazbek grasped the blue plastic on either side of the crimp and stretched it like licorice, putting distance between the severed ends inside.

Now a new problem presented itself. Stretching the plastic had turned it a whitish blue. The defect was obvious. The terrorists had inspected the wires and bombs several times, and if they checked again, they would discover his subterfuge.

He felt a surge of worn'. He and his wife had made it this far and had agreed on a plan: If the Russians attacked, Irina would help Batraz, their older son, and Kazbek would help Atsamaz, their fi rst grader. Atsamaz was exhausted and dehydrated. Kazbek often looked into his eyes, and at times they seemed switched off. But he had found a way to keep him going. Other adults had whispered that it was possible to drink small amounts of urine. Kazbek had collected their pee. "I want a Coke," Atsamaz had said when told to drink it.

"After we leave, I will buy you a case of Coke," Kazbek said. The boy drank.

Now Kazbek had put them in fresh danger and would have to take another risk. When a terrorist strolled past him, he addressed him politely. "This wire lies across the passage," he said. "They are tripping on it. Neither you nor we need these to explode."

"What can be done?" the terrorist said.

"If we had a nail, the wire could be hung," Kazbek said.

The terrorist returned with a hammer and spike. Kazbek stood and drove the spike into the wall. He lifted the wire from the floor and laid a few turns around the shank, taking care to wrap with the whitish-blue section. He put a wooden spool on the spike and pressed it tight. The severed portion of wire was hidden. Kazbek had succeeded. He sat back with his family beneath the disconnected bomb.

AFTERNOON. THE BATHROOM. Zalina Levina and Fatima Tskayeva hid in the bathroom with their small children. Hours passed; more breast-feeding mothers with babies pushed in, seekingrelief from the heat. The place became a nursery.

Abdullah passed by and taunted them. "Maybe we have something to tell you," he said. Fatima begged for information. He laughed. Two hours later he offered a hint. "If they let him come in, maybe we will let the breast-fed children out," he said.

Zalina's mind whirled. Who was coming?

At about 3:00 P.M., a new man passed the door. He was tall and well built, with a thick mustache and graying hair. He wore a clean gray sport coat. They recognized him at once: Ruslan Aushev, the former president of Ingushetia, a republic borderingChechnya, and a decorated Soviet veteran from Afghanistan. Aushev commanded respect among both his people and Chechnya's separatists. But he had been ousted by Putin, replaced by a loyalist from the KGB. Aushev's career stalled. In the nursery, he was the most important man in the world.

Zalina felt hope. Aushev! she thought. We will be let go! Applause sounded in the gym. Aushev stopped before them. A terrorist pointed in. "Here are the women with breast-fed children," he said.

"Do you know who I am?" Aushev asked.

"Of course," a mother said. He turned and left. The women rose, holding their babies, shaking with anticipation. They had been captives for more than thirty hours, without food, with little water, and with no sleep. There had been shooting and explosions. Their babies could take no more. Soon they might start to die. Abdullah stood at the door. "We will release you," he said. "But if you point out our photographs to the police, we will know immediately, and we will kill fifty hostages. It will be on your conscience."

"Now," he said, "one breast-fed child with one woman." He motioned for them to go.

Fatima was nearthedoor.Shedidnot move.

"Let me take all of my children," she pleaded, reminding Abdullah of her two others, including Kristina, with the weak heart. "You helped her yourself," she said. "Let us all go."

"No," he said.

"Let my children out. I will stay."

"No."

Fatima sobbed now. "Then let Kristina leave with my baby," she begged.

Abdullah's anger flashed. "I told you, bitch, no," he said. "Now I am not releasing anyone because of you."

He looked at the other women. "Everyone back to the gym," he said. Panic flowed through Zalina. Sweeping up her granddaughter, she stepped past Abdullah. Rather than turning left for the gym, she turned right, toward the main school. She had decided. I am leaving, she thought. Let them shoot me in the back.

Another terrorist blocked her. "Where are you going?" he said.

She tilted her head at Abdullah. "He allowed me," she said, and brushed past. The main hall was a few yards away. The walk seemed a kilometer. Zalina passed through the door and saw Aushev by the exit at the end of the hall. She moved toward him. He waved her on.

Zalina walked barefoot in quick strides, Amina's cheek tight to her own. Her heart pounded. Would she be shot? She did not look back. The corridor was littered with bits of glass. She did not feel it nicking her feet. Behind her the other women followed. A chain of mothers and babies was making its way out, twenty-six people in all.

Zalina focused on the door. She passed Aushev, who stood with the Colonel. "Thank you very much," she said. The exit was barricaded with tables, and a terrorist slid them aside and opened the door. Air tumbled in, and light. She stepped out.

Behind her in the corridor, Fatima Tskayeva wailed as she carried Alyona, her infant. She could not go any more. Sobbing, she handed the baby to a terrorist in a black T-shirt and mask. She had two more children here. She had decided to stay. The terrorist carried Alyona down the hall to Aushev and handed him the child. Fatima's cries pierced the corridor.

Outside, Zalina rushed Amina past the place where the assembly had been the day before. Discarded flowers were on the ground. A man shouted from a roof. "There are snipers," he said. "Run!"

The line of women followed, and together they approached the perimeter. An aid station was waiting with medicine, food, and water. Zalina knew nothing of it. She trotted for her apartment, which was inside the perimeter, reached the entrance, climbed the stairs, and stood at her door. She had no key. She banged. It had been a mistake to bring Amina to school. It had been a mistake to have been taken hostage. But the terrorists had mistaken her for a breast-feeding mother. It was their mistake that she was out. They were free. Amina was alive. Who had a key? She descended the stairs to the entrance. Four Russian troops approached.

"Give me the child," one said, extending his arms. Amina saw their camouflage and began to howl. "Do not touch her," Zalina snapped. "No one will touch her."

EVENING. THE GYM. Karen Mdinaradze slipped in and out of consciousness. Once he awoke to see a woman over him, fanning him, another time to find children cleaning his wound with a cloth soaked in urine. He awoke again. A teenaged girl thrust an empty plastic bottle to him and asked him to urinate in it.

"Turn your eyes away," he said, and he pressed the bottle against himself and slowly peed. He finished and handed the bottle back. The girl and her friends thanked him and quickly poured drops to wash their faces. Then each sipped from the bottle, passing it among themselves, and returned it to him. Karen's dehydration was advanced; his throat burned. He poured a gulp of the warm liquid into his mouth and across his tongue, letting it pool around his epiglottis. The moisture alleviated some of the pain. He swallowed.

He looked at the bottle. A bit remained. A very old woman in a scarf was gesturing to him, asking for her turn. He passed the bottle on.

SEPTEMBER 3

PAST MIDNIGHT. THE WEIGHT ROOM. Irina Naldikoyeva picked her way by the hostages dozing on the floor. Her daughter, Alana, was feverish. The gym was connected to a small weight-lifting room, which had become an informal infirmary. Irina asked permission from a terrorist to move Alana there. He nodded, and she carried the drowsy child and laid her on the room's cool floor. Perhaps fifty people rested in the space, mostly children and elderly hostages.

A water pipe was leaking, and, unsolicited, a small boy came to them and gave Alana a cup of water. She drank thirstily and lay down. Gradually her breathing slowed and deepened. She drifted to sleep. Irina returned to the gym, retrieved her son, and placed him beside his sister.

After several hours caressingthe children, Irina dozed off, the first time since they were taken hostage that she had slept. Her father appeared. He had died several months earlier, but his face hovered before her, an apparition with gray hair. He did not speak. Nor did she. They looked into each other's eyes.

After perhaps twenty minutes, she woke. Her father, Timofey Naldikoyev, had been a gentle man, quiet and kind. She had never dreamed of him before. She wondered: What does it mean?

MORNING. THE GYM. Forty-eight hours after the hostages had been taken captive, the survivors were slidingto despair. They were beginning their third day without food, and their second without water. Almost all had slept only in snatches through two nights. They were dehydrated, filthy, weak, and drained by fear. They slumped against one another and the walls. The terrorists seemed tired, too, frayed and aware that their demands were being ignored. They had become nastier and drove the hostages out of the weight room to the gym, shoving some with rifles.

As the sun climbed and the temperature again began to rise, the two terrorists who specialized in explosives roamed the court. Their explosives were arranged in at least two circuits-the more visible one connecting the hanging bombs. A second circuit wired together a stringof bombs on the floor, including two large bombs. The terrorists moved this second chain near one of the walls. Irina NaIdikoyeva watched, struggling to stay alert. She was massaging her son, waiting for a sign.

MINUTES AFTERNOON P.PM. THE GYM. The explosion was a thunderclap, a flash of energy and heat, shaking the gym. Twenty-two seconds later a second blast rocked the gym again. Their comb

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29 Julio 2006

John H. Richardson: Acts of Conscience

Here, at great personal risk, an elite Army interrogator comes forward to reveal his experience at a secret prison camp in Iraq. And more like him will follow. The story of Human Rights Watch and the search for the truth about the United States military and torture.

THE RENTED CAR blasts down the Strom Thurmond Highway toward Georgia, taking Marc Garlasco to his meeting with the Army interrogator. Balmy air pours in the window.

It is spring. Garlasco has one hand on the wheel, light glinting off his wraparound mirrored sunglasses. He is talking about his wife and kids as he passes through countryside so brimming with green life that it's strange and almost obscene to imagine his goal.

Garlasco works for Human Rights Watch, a group that started in 1978 to monitor the Soviet Union and recently expanded its mission to include America's war on terrorism. With a partner named John Sifton, in the past year he has helped expose the secrets of CIA prisons and extraordinary renditions and discovered Captain Ian Fishback, the decorated West Point graduate whose account to the Senate Armed Services Committee last fall pushed the Congress to pass a historic and politically charged amendment banning torture. Now Garlasco is chasing after a fresh story of prisoner abuse committed by members of the United States military. Until now, the Bush administration has insisted that all prisoner abuse has been caused by low-ranking rogue elements. But the man Garlasco is coming to meet has a story about abuses at a secret camp used by Task Force 121, the ultimate Special Ops team, the elite titanium tip of Donald Rumsfeld's spear. Their names are state secrets. Their work is closely monitored and highly systematized. And they acted under the supervision of ranking officers and even—in one extraordinary instance that Garlasco expects to be exploring tonight—with the direct encouragement of lawyers from the Army's Judge Advocate General's office.

At the hotel, he checks into his room and goes back down to the lobby to wait. It's a vast, dismal place that reeks of some kind of fake mortuary perfume.

Half an hour later, the interrogator arrives. He's broad and muscular and his hair is shaved to a small top patch in the military style. He's wearing civilian clothes. He tells Garlasco to call him Jeff, which is not his real name.

The hotel restaurant is empty and overlooks the empty lobby, but still they take the most hidden booth and make nervous jokes about the little private roof that makes it a perfect cone of silence. Ordering dinner, Jeff says he grew up in a conservative Christian family and became "secular," then got bored with college and joined the military. That was just before 9/11. The Army gave him some tests and decided he was smart enough to handle one of the hardest languages, Arabic. That's how he became an interrogator.

He is here now, he says, because his conscience tells him it's the right thing to do.

Then Garlasco pushes the button on a small digital recorder. "It is now Wednesday, May seventeenth, at 6:30 P.M. Jeff, I just want to have your permission that I can record you."

"Yes, you do."

"Okay, great," he says, warming Jeff up with a few questions about his military experience in Iraq.

"Your MOS?"

"97 Echo."

"97 Echo. You're a trained interrogator. That means that you went to Huachuca, you went to DLI out in Monterey, is that correct?"

Huachuca is the Army's interrogation school, DLI the language-immersion academy. Garlasco knows these things because he spent six years as an intelligence analyst at the Pentagon, where he interrogated prisoners, briefed the Secretary of Defense, and charted the coordinates for the bombing campaign against Saddam Hussein in the early days of the war. It makes him an ideal confessor for a soldier with a troubled conscience.

Jeff was in Iraq early in 2004. That January, a sergeant named Joseph Darby at Abu Ghraib prison gave Army investigators a disc of pictures of naked human pyramids and a naked man on a dog leash, the seed of evidence that grew into the prisoner-abuse scandal. After that, Jeff heard that things at Abu Ghraib were changing fast. They were still doing things in January that were impossible by '04 May, he says.

"Like what?"

"Like put a prisoner in a stress position, or cuff them to the middle of the floor and scream at them and throw a chair. Hooding, cuffing, transporting a prisoner by yourself—all of that was forbidden later on."

But at the very same time the Army was cleaning up Abu Ghraib under scrutiny, Jeff arrived at an elite secret interrogation facility near Baghdad where nudity and hooding and stress positions were still routine, where ranking officers knew exactly what was going on and promised to protect the interrogators at all costs.

Now, at this deserted hotel, Jeff is taking an outsider into that program for the first time.

The waitress brings salads. In the pause, Jeff reminds Garlasco that he's still enlisted. The United States government can bring misery to a soldier who crosses it, so he doesn't want to be too specific about exactly who he is or when he started his assignment, giving himself the cover of reasonable doubt. Sometime in February or March, then, he reported for duty at an unmarked compound. This was Camp Nama, the home of Task Force 121, the Special Ops team that chased Osama bin Laden and caught Saddam Hussein and would ultimately locate and kill Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the self-described leader of Al Qaeda in Iraq. It was Rumsfeld's baby, the Platonic ideal of his fast and mobile army. From its size to its mission, everything about it was and remains an official secret. Except for the concertina wire, Camp Nama was a nondescript cluster of buildings.

The only thing Jeff knew about Camp Nama was that he'd be able to wear civilian clothes and interrogate "high value" prisoners. In order to get to the second step, he had to go through hours of psychological tests to ensure his fitness for the job.

Nama, it is said, stood for Nasty Ass Military Area. Jeff says there was a maverick, high-speed feeling to the place. Some of the interrogators had beards and long hair and everyone used only first names, even the officers. "When you ask somebody their name, they don't offer up the last name," Jeff says. "When they gave you their name it probably wasn't their real name anyway."

To this day, Jeff has no idea of the true names of his superior officers. His supervisor was a colonel who called himself Mike, although Jeff is sure that wasn't his real name.

It was a point of pride that the Red Cross would never be allowed in the door, Jeff says. This is important because it defied the Geneva Conventions, which require that the Red Cross have access to military prisons. "Once, somebody brought it up with the colonel. 'Will they ever be allowed in here?' And he said absolutely not. He had this directly from General McChrystal and the Pentagon that there's no way that the Red Cross could get in—they won't have access and they never will. This facility was completely closed off to anybody investigating, even Army investigators."

Given Task Force 121's history, that was a remarkable promise. Formed in the summer of 2003, it quickly became notorious. By August the CIA had already ordered its officers to avoid Camp Nama. Then two Iraqi men died following encounters with Navy Seals from Task Force 121—one at Abu Ghraib and one in Mosul—and an official investigation by a retired Army colonel named Stuart Herrington, first reported in The Washington Post, found evidence of widespread beatings. "Everyone knows about it," one Task Force officer told Herrington. Six months later, two FBI agents raised concerns about suspicious burn marks and other signs of harsh treatment. Then the head of the Defense Intelligence Agency reported that his men had seen evidence of prisoners with burn marks and bruises and once saw a Task Force member "punch [the] prisoner in the face to the point the individual needed medical attention." Despite this record, The New York Times has reported that as late as June 2005, the Army dropped yet another investigation into torture at Camp Nama because of the confusion created by the use of "battlefield pseudonyms." The confusion extends to the name of the task force itself, which is also known as Task Force 6-26 and Task Force 145.

During his first six or seven weeks at the camp, Jeff conducted or participated in about fifteen harsh interrogations, most involving the use of ice water to induce hypothermia. By his reckoning, at least half of the prisoners were innocent, just random Iraqis who got picked up for one reason or another. Sometimes the evidence against them was so slight, Jeff would go into the interrogation without even knowing their names.

Then he got a few days off and did a lot of thinking. "I had time to step back and say, Wait, this is not right. This is not who I am. This is not the way I was brought up. This is not the way I want to remember myself and my actions."

Finally a small group of interrogators went to the colonel and told him they were feeling uneasy—he was a nice guy, always approachable, and it was completely informal.

The colonel snapped into action. Within two or three hours, a pair of JAG lawyers showed up and gathered the entire staff into the main duty room at Camp Nama. "It was very fast. It was like they were ready. I mean, they had this two-hour slide show all prepared, and they came in and gave it to us and they stopped interrogations for it."

"What kind of slide show?"

"It was a PowerPoint."

This is a remarkable event, in part because there was significant opposition to harsh interrogation within senior elements of the JAG corps, who feared that the Army was opening itself to war-crimes prosecutions. As Jeff tells the story, there were between twenty and thirty people in the room; a third were interrogators, the rest were leadership and support staff. Most had folding chairs but a few stood against the walls.

The lawyers did not dim the fluorescent lights, and as the PowerPoint slides flashed on the wall, starting with a review of the laws of war and the Geneva Conventions, the soldiers interrupted with questions.

"Is this legal?" they asked. "Are we going to be investigated?"

The military lawyers explained the distinction between prisoners of war and enemy combatants to the packed room, insisting that the methods they were using at Camp Nama were appropriate. The JAG lawyers explained that none of these interrogation techniques were inhumane because they left no lasting mental or physical effects.

But that prompted more questions. "What if another authority comes along that disagrees on the rules?"

The JAG lawyers insisted that wouldn't happen, that any punishment would come from the top down and never get to them.

Someone asked about the innocent people, the ordinary Iraqis who weren't enemy combatants at all.

"We're in a new era," one of the JAG lawyers said. "We're in a war on terror, and these are things we have to do."

(Officials at the Pentagon, the Special Operations Command, and JAG headquarters did not respond to repeated requests for comment on these events.)

BEFORE JEFF, there was another soldier.

A year ago last May was about the worst time in Marc Garlasco's entire life. His wife was very ill, so clearly wasting away that one night he caught his toddlers playing "dead mommy." Then a call came one Friday afternoon at around four o'clock, just as he was planning to slip out of the office to get home early. "I've got this guy on the line who says he's in the military," a coworker told him. "I'm going to patch you in."

With this began the episode that would put Human Rights Watch at the center of a controversy that has threatened America's standing in the world and sullied the American national character. The stranger on the line said he served in Iraq and had seen some things that might have been violations of the Geneva Conventions, Abu Ghraibtype things. He had talked to his professors at West Point and an Army attorney but he still had some questions.

The man's voice was so serious and solid, Garlasco felt a hunch. This could be significant. "Okay," he said, playing it cool. "Send me your RFIs."

That's Armyspeak for "Request for Information." Soon they were clicking through ROEs and FOBs and the coworker dropped off the line. Then Garlasco backed off and gave the man his e-mail address. "Look, I don't have your number. I don't know your name. If you want to keep this on a telephone basis, that's okay—I don't want to get you in trouble."

It was a long weekend. Monday came and went. But late that night, a message appeared in his in-box:

Mark,

Here is a summary of my RFIs:
Which of the following activities violate the Geneva Conventions: stripping prisoners naked and chaining them to the floor, intense periods of exercise, sleep deprivation, hitting or threatening to hit prisoners?

How did the U. S. interpretation of the Geneva Conventions change after September 11?

Can you send me any government reports related to prisoner abuse or Abu Ghraib? (Taguba report, IG report, the recently released investigation)?

Documents showing that senior U. S. officials permitted harsh interrogations?

Is this a case of the Army trying to tell the truth and poor media coverage, or of the Army intentionally misleading America?

Are there other officers with similar concerns?

International case law (other countries' standards) on the Geneva Conventions. For example, I remember that a Japanese general (or admiral) was found guilty for War Crimes because of the Bataan Death March even though he was unaware of it at the time.

Documentation of warnings to U. S. officials not to change the policy. There are a lot of reasons not to do this and I suspect that at least JAG would have brought them up.

Constitutional case law on officer responsibilities to speak up...I don't know of any cases either way.

Congressional testimony about what is permitted before and after 9/11.

As it happened, all of the soldier's questions involved the very thing Garlasco was researching. Known as the doctrine of command responsibility and formalized by the Geneva Conventions of 1949, it is the idea that officers must shoulder the blame when they know their troops are committing war crimes and fail to take "all feasible measures" to stop them, the principle linking the Nazi trials at Nuremberg to Lieutenant William Calley and Slobodan Milosevic. That history took an unexpected turn five months after 9/11, on February 7, 2002, when President Bush signed the memo titled "Humane Treatment of Taliban and Al Qaeda Detainees." Because Al Qaeda was not a High Contracting Party to the Geneva Conventions, he said, "none of the provisions of Geneva apply to our conflict with Al Qaeda in Afghanistan or elsewhere throughout the world." He especially rejected Article 3, the clause that forbids torture and other insults to human dignity. On December 2, 2002, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld authorized twelve new methods of interrogation, including stress positions, hooding, nudity, and the use of threatening dogs—and also four harsher methods that were "legally available" but did not have blanket approval, including exposure to cold, mock executions of prisoners (or their family members), and the sense of drowning suffocation caused by the method known as waterboarding. A month later Rumsfeld rescinded blanket approval but still permitted harsh techniques as long as interrogators first asked permission.

For three years, not a single ranking military officer had raised a critical word in public about any of this. But the e-mail in Garlasco's in-box was signed:

"w/ Respect, CPT Ian Fishback."

IN PERSON, ON A SPRING DAY, in a pair of cargo shorts and a KEEP ON TREKKING T-shirt, Ian Fishback looks like any twenty-six-year-old guy, maybe a high school swim coach. He's stocky and short, does the cowboy squint as he takes things in, talks about his plans for the weekend. It's no surprise that he grew up in a small town in northern Michigan, the gentle type who protected kids from bullies and campaigned against drinking at football games.

Then he puts on his uniform and presto, he's Captain Ian Fishback, West Point graduate, creased and gleaming with two Bronze Stars, son of a Vietnam veteran and married to an Iraq veteran, now training to go back to Iraq at the head of a twelve-man Special Forces team.

This is a man who has excelled at everything. He was voted most valuable player of the football team and president of his senior class in high school, made squad leader and company commander at West Point. The only regular complaint he seems to have inspired is that he is maybe just a bit too obsessed with following every rule to the letter.

In subsequent e-mails he sent to Garlasco, Fishback was relentless and detailed:

Afghanistan (Sep 02–Jan 03): witness deliberately planned, harsh interrogations sanctioned by the chain of command. Prisoners are referred to as PUCs (persons under control) or detainees for the express purpose that they are not afford ed Geneva Convention rights. My chain of command states this explicitly. Trained OGA (other government agency) interrogators conduct interrogations including sleep deprivation, intense exercise, and stripping prisoners and exposing them to elements. These activities violate the Geneva Conventions as I learned them at West Point.

Iraq (Sep 03–March 04): while operating throughout Sunni triangle witness OGA interrogators take prisoner into a build¬ing and instruct infantry not to allow anyone into the building. I heard banging noises from inside the building and assumed that the prisoner was either being hit or being threatened to be hit. This activity took place in the middle of the day in the center of a cavalry squadron base camp. It was commonplace to hold family members until someone gave himself up in Iraq.

When he was in Iraq, Fishback thought all of this was permitted under the Bush administration's new "take the gloves off" policy. So when the Abu Ghraib scandal broke and Rumsfeld appeared before Congress to blame the conduct on rogue elements, Fishback got so steamed he wrote up a memorandum for the record and took it to his commanding officer, Lieutenant Colonel Marshall A. Hagen. It started off on the strongest possible note.

"The Secretary of Defense's testimony on Friday 7 May was inaccurate. He stated that the United States follows the Geneva Convention in regards to both the Taliban and Iraq. My personal experiences show this is not true."

Listing specific Geneva Conventions by clause and subsection, Fishback said that he worked with some of the most disciplined units in the world—the 82nd Airborne, the U. S. Army Rangers, and Special Operations Forces—and it was an insult to call them rogue troops. Furthermore, all three of his battalion commanders not only allowed troops to violate the conventions but "provided reasoning" why it was morally acceptable to do so. Therefore it was his duty and also his moral obligation to register an objection.

After a conversation that lasted nearly two hours and went nowhere, Hagen put his signature at the bottom of the document. "I have read and understand the above statement, dated 10 May 2004. I am aware of LT Fishback's concerns."

Fishback persisted up the ladder, going to his battalion commander to an Army lawyer to his congressman to Senator Carl Levin, a ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee. Some took notes, some shrugged him off, some asked him to consider the gray areas. The Secretary of the Army told him that corrective action had been taken.

That was the summer of 2004, when his wife was deployed to Iraq to work with the 519th Military Intelligence Battalion. This was the same outfit that had helped set up the Army prison at Abu Ghraib one summer earlier. She heard that back then, they'd started right off with stripping prisoners naked and harsh interrogations, and anyone who expressed concern was scapegoated. Finally the battalion commander objected to the harsh techniques and requested new "rules of engagement," and it took four months to get the new ROE from the Pentagon, a shocking delay in the rule-obsessed world of the Army. And the new ROE called for the same harsh interrogation techniques as before.

It was another damning piece of evidence, especially because the famous night-shift abuse episodes began soon afterward. If the rules of engagement had taken a clear stand against torture, those terrible events might not have happened. So Fishback started up again, taking his concerns to the Inspector General at Fort Bragg—who told him to work within the system. Don't do something stupid, like go to the media. Why not wait for Vice-Admiral Albert T. Church to finish the official investigation?

So that's what Fishback did. But when Church issued his re¬port in March 2005, it found "no link between approved interrogation techniques and detainee abuse" and blamed all the trouble with torture on rogue soldiers.

That's when Fishback contacted Garlasco.

Bottom Line: I am concerned that the Army is deliberately misleading the American people about detainee treatment within our custody. This behavior violates the professional military ethic of "I will not lie, cheat, or steal, nor tolerate those who do" and it violates the constitutional principle of a government accountable to the people.

MARC GARLASCO PUSHES the tape recorder across the ta¬ble, a little closer to Jeff.

At Camp Nama, Jeff says, the tone was set right at the beginning, when he was still in his observing phase. One day they arrested a man who was believed to have given money to al-Zarqawi or helped found his resistance group. They dragged him into a courtyard between the buildings and stripped him naked, then sprayed him with a hose of freezing water and rolled him in a mud puddle and stood him up in front of an air conditioner. It was winter and bitter cold. Then they pushed him back into the mud puddle and sprayed him with the hose and did it all over again. "This happened all night. Everybody knew about it. People walked in, the sergeant major and so forth, everybody knew what was going on. And I was kind of walking back and forth seeing—this is how they do things."

Jeff wasn't sure how to react. It all seemed very official.

There was a range of treatment for prisoners available to the interrogators. If a suspect cooperated he might get the red room or the blue room or even the soft room, which had rugs and black leather chairs. But if he was difficult or important he went to the black room with the black door and black speakers in four black corners blaring earsplitting music.

"What techniques were authorized for the black room?"

"There was a checklist template on a computer with entries for environmental controls, hot and cold, strobe lights, music, working dogs, and so on. You would just check what you want to use and get it signed off, and they were always signed off."

"Do you know where those techniques came from? I mean the techniques you describe, are they in the Army Interrogation Field Manual?"

"No, they're not."

"So where did you get those from?"

"Oh, they're just not hard to come up with. There's really no manual to take somebody's clothes off. But you find it in Mosul, you find it in Baghdad, you find it at Abu Ghraib, you find it in Tikrit, you find it everywhere. Disrobing and these type of methods. But humiliation is on the interrogator's mind. You know, I want to humiliate this person to get them to talk to me. What's more humiliating than, I mean, just take off your clothes? That's just the first thing that pops into people's minds, apparently. And then you've got some ice water and pour the ice water on them and make them very uncomfortable that way."

The harshest frequent technique used at Nama was the use of cold water, Jeff says. Cold can be a serious torment to a naked man on a winter night; in Afghanistan, one prisoner died from hypothermia. Sometimes, to maximize the humiliation of the Iraqi men, American women would be brought in to watch them undress.

Sleep deprivation was also used to an extreme extent, especially in Jeff's early days at Nama. They could keep a prisoner on his feet for twenty hours, and although the rules required them to allow each prisoner four hours of sleep every twenty-four hours, nowhere did it say those four hours had to be consecutive—so sometimes they'd wake the prisoners up every half hour. Eventually they'd just collapse. "This was a very demanding method for the interrogators as well, because it required a lot of staff to monitor the prisoner, and we'd have to stay awake, too," Jeff says. "And it's just impossible to interrogate someone when he's in that state, collapsed on the ground. It doesn't make any sense. "Since these techniques violate both the Geneva Conventions and the Army Field Manual, the all-important rule book that carries the force of military law, the Bush administration has attempted to finesse the issue by creating the distinction between "prisoners of war" and "enemy combatants," promising to reserve the harsh techniques only for hardcore Al Qaeda members and not for the Iraqis or even the Taliban.

This creates a conflict with existing laws, as well as a more practical problem. Camp Nama is a perfect example of this, because Task Force 121 was in fact looking for a hardcore Al Qaeda member, al-Zarqawi—but to find him, it was using the techniques reserved for the "worst of the worst" on ordinary Iraqi civilians.

"What was the level of occurrence of these harsh techniques? Was it weekly?"

"Sometimes it was every day if it was a multi-interrogation plan on one individual. Sometimes we didn't have anybody to talk to for maybe a day or two."

"Was the colonel ever actually there to observe this?"

"Oh, yeah. He worked there. He had his desk there. They were working in a big room where the analysts, the report writers, the sergeant major, the colonel, some technical guys—they're all in that room."

To Garlasco, this is significant. This means that a full-bird colonel and all his support staff knew exactly what was going on at Camp Nama. "Do you know where the colonel was getting his orders from?" he asks.

Jeff answers quickly, perhaps a little defiantly. "I believe it was a two-star general. I believe his name was General McChrystal. I saw him there a couple of times."

Back when he was an intelligence analyst, Garlasco had briefed Stanley McChrystal once. He remembers him as a tall Irishman with a gentle manner. He was head of the Joint Special Operations Command, the logical person to oversee Task Force 121, and vice-director for operations for the Joint Chiefs. That put responsibility right in the heart of the Pentagon.

Within the unit, the interrogators got the feeling they were reporting to the highest levels. The colonel would tell an inter¬rogator that his report "is on Rumsfeld's desk this morning" or that it was "read by SecDef."

"That's a big morale booster after a fourteen-hour day," Jeff says with a tinge of irony. "Hey, we got to the White House."

Since leaving the church, Jeff had been going through a period of reexamining his values. Joining the Army was part of that, and he was always prepared to fight in a battle if it came to that. But this was different. One time, they had a prisoner who was obviously lying and stalling. He was one of those red-flag guys, the kind where a memo shot up the chain of command and everyone was waiting for the interrogation results. Supposedly he knew where al-Zarqawi was. Finally a soldier from the elite British SAS unit took him out to a kind of bunker behind the main building. Two or three other people followed, and Jeff's supervisor told him to tag along to keep an eye on things. "He gave the guy a pretty good pounding," Jeff says. "Nothing really in the face. A lot of stomach shots, and I would say two or three groin shots, very harsh. A knee to the abdomen. Thrown against the wall and so forth."

Someone reported the beating to the sergeant major, but no one in a position of responsibility seemed to care much. "They weren't upset about any type of abuse or anything. They were just upset that he was interrogating, because he wasn't signed on to do that type of job."

Jeff saw the effects of beatings "all the time" in the captives as they arrived, usually after they were arrested by Delta Force members working for Task Force 121. "They'd fall on their knees and beg you not to kill them," he said, "completely terrified because of the way they were treated the previous forty-eight hours."

And it wasn't easy to clear suspects, either. One time Jeff told the senior interrogator that the guy he was interrogating was a chump, just a nobody picked up by accident, and the colonel dressed him down in an open meeting: "You don't know that! You just couldn't break him!"

Then for Jeff the doubting began.

"Even if these people did do these things, I don't want to do these things to them," he says. "I want to be humane about it. I want to keep my dignity."

Experimenting with more-traditional "soft" techniques like the appeal to a man's pride or to the futility of resistance, he found them both more successful and more reliable. At least you knew it was more likely to be genuine when a person decided to cooperate. "From what I've seen of harsh physical tactics," Jeff says, "[it's] harder to tell if they're just saying something to stop the discomfort. But if a prisoner breaks by the more-traditional means, you instantly know it.

"I'd done harsh interrogations, with little or no results at all. And I saw a lot of other people do harsh interrogations, too, and just never saw any type of results to speak of at all." But most of the interrogators in the camp were totally gung ho and wanted to go harsh on everybody. It was that kind of unit. "They thought that was their job and that's what they needed to do, and do it every time."

He began to feel more and more repelled, he says. I don't want to hang out with these people. I don't want to see them do these things.

By then it was spring and the Army was starting to hum with tales of Abu Ghraib, although it had not yet broken in the media—the first story would hit TV on April 28. But Jeff and some of the other interrogators started talking about the things they were doing at Nama. They weren't as sexually abusive as the things that went on at Abu Ghraib, but they were making a daily mockery of the Army Field Manual and the Geneva Conventions. "Nobody was stupid enough to take pictures, but you know, it's the same stuff," says Jeff. "You kind of got the sense that some people thought it was fun. And I think kind of an underlying thing was it was fun for people, but they had this guise of like it was always, you know, for the information."

Then the JAG lawyers were summoned by the colonel to put down feelings of unrest among a few of the Camp Nama interrogators by offering a legal justification for their conduct. The lawyers brought up September 11 a lot, Jeff says. That put him off. "I never thought Iraq had anything to do with 9/11," he says. "But I was very annoyed with them because they were saying things like we didn't have to abide by the Geneva Conventions because these people weren't POWs. It just went against everything we learned at Huachuca. And just faulty logic, you know? Just really bad argument."

Over and over, Jeff says, the JAG lawyers told them that blame would never get down to their level. "It would go through us first," they said. "You will never have any culpability whatsoever.

"That's the last thing the interrogators heard from the colonel, too. "It will never come down to you. You guys have nothing to worry about. You're not doing anything wrong.

"Then he sent them back to work, case closed. The interrogators of Camp Nama were still working a few weeks later when the Abu Ghraib story blew up and Donald Rumsfeld went before Congress to insist that the United States was following the Geneva Conventions in Iraq.

TWENTY YEARS AGO, Marc Garlasco was a pudgy science-fiction geek whose social life was going to Star Trek conventions for autographs. He toughened himself up in ROTC and went to work for the Defense Intelligence Agency, where he interrogated more than fifty Arabs and spent a year searching for a pilot who was lost in the first Gulf war. He was in his office at the Pentagon when the plane hit on September 11, and in the run-up to the war he was the guy who came up with the idea of putting the faces of Saddam Hussein and his top henchmen on a deck of cards. By the start of the war, the DIA put him in charge of high-value targeting, which is how he came to be watching on a monitor at the Pentagon when they dropped the bombs on Chemical Ali. The monitor flashed white and when the image came back, they saw two tiny flapping legs and took bets on how many times they would flap—after all, it was Chemical Ali, the guy who had gassed thousands of Kurds.

But when the bombing campaign ended, Garlasco abruptly quit the Pentagon and flew to Baghdad to visit the crater at Chemical Ali's house for Human Rights Watch. The bombs had hit unintended targets. And although he's the low-key type, always joking, it's not hard to read his emotions in his report.

In the early morning hours of Saturday, April 5, Abd al-Hussain Yunis al-Tayyar, a fifty-year-old laborer, went to his garden to get water. Moments later an American bomb slammed into the targeted house next door, destroying his house as well. He picked himself up and immediately began to search the debris. He spent the rest of the day working to pull the dead bodies of his family from the rubble of his home, finally reaching his dead son at 4:00 P.M.

The dead included:
As'ad 'Abd al-Hussain al-Tayyar, 30, son.
Qarar As'ad al-Tayyar, 12, grandson.
Haidar As'ad al-Tayyar, 9, grandson.
Saif As'ad al-Tayyar, 6, grandson.
Intisar 'Abd al-Hussain al-Tayyar, 30, daughter.
Khawla Ali al-Tayyar, 9, granddaughter.
Hind Ali al-Tayyar, 5, granddaughter.

Garlasco wrote down the names and ages, trying to keep his emotions off his face. Seeing the effects of his own handiwork might have changed him, might suggest some kind of conversion, but that's not exactly the case. Garlasco still maintains close ties to his old colleagues, even taking part in a conference on counterinsurgency at Fort Leavenworth this past February. He's probably the only human-rights activist who is also a member of the NRA, certainly the only one with a gun collection that includes an M4 assault rifle, a Sig P229, and his beloved Pardini competition pistol. He even ended his Chemical Ali report with a modest suggestion that is probably a first in NGO history. Since the size of the crater suggested "the smallest PGM available," a five-hundred-pound laser-guided bomb, it might be a good idea for the military to develop "smaller munitions with lower yields that will reduce collateral damage."

Somehow this odd collection of qualities made him the perfect man to meet Captain Ian Fishback. Setting up their first face-to-face meeting late last May, they chose a little town in Georgia called La Grange, a dot on the map with a Baptist church in every direction. It felt safe enough at 450 miles from Fort Bragg. They met at an Applebee's.

At first, things were awkward. Garlasco suggested a beer and Fishback said he'd prefer a lemonade. When the food came, Fishback said grace. I'm sitting with a Jesus freak, Garlasco thought. He began to wonder if this was some kind of religious crusade. Soon, though, they clicked on the peculiar mutual grounds of guns, military history, and Battlestar Galactica. But Fishback balked when Garlasco asked to talk to the soldiers in his unit. He was their superior officer and it was his duty to protect them, he said. He wasn't ready to do a taped interview yet, either. And he didn't feel comfortable talking to any more Democrats. It might come off as partisan and soldiers shouldn't get mixed up in politics. He had to make it clear that he was fighting for a principle and not a party, and the best way to do that, he thought, was through a Republican. "Do you think you could set up a meeting with John McCain?" Fishback asked.

Garlasco flew home empty-handed. A month later, still trying to set up a meeting with McCain, he kept sending Fishback friendly e-mails:

"Hope all is well. I just watched Occupation: Dreamland. Really brings home how freaking random the violence is over there."

When Fishback got through to one of McCain's aides, he sent Garlasco an update."

He agreed with almost all of my points and agreed that the Army is misleading Congress and America. I asked point-blank for reasons that I should not go to the media and he could give me none other than concern for my own career."

Finally Fishback agreed to a formal recorded interview. Flying to another anonymous southern city, Garlasco met him in a hotel room and hit the button on his little digital recorder. "It's the twenty-first of July, 2005, at four o'clock, and this is Marc Garlasco from Human Rights Watch, and I am with LG-Alpha from the U. S. Army. LG-Alpha, I just want to have your permission to record our conversation."

"You have my permission."

For the next four hours, he took Fishback through every detail of his story. "Did you actually observe detainees stripped?"

"Down to their underwear, yes."

"Do you know who stripped them?"

"No."

"Did you observe them placed in the stress positions?"

"Yes."

"And when you speak about sleep deprivation, how did you observe sleep deprivation?"

"They had a horn, a really loud horn. Any time the detainee would go to fall asleep they would blare the horn in his ear so that he had to wake up and they would do that until he stood up again and stayed awake."

"And you observed that?"

"I observed that once. I observed them carrying the horn to the detainees multiple times."

"And 'exposure to the elements.' Can you explain that to me a little bit better?"

"Leave them outside, in the cold, and it got pretty cold."

"How did you feel about the treatment of these people at the time?"

"My feelings were that it clearly violated what I had learned as the appropriate way to treat detainees at West Point.... You don't force them to give you any information other than name, rank, and serial number. That's the gist of the Geneva Conventions."

If he had thought they were supposed to follow the Geneva Conventions, he said, he would have immediately stopped what was going on. That is a failure of command responsibility that he feels acutely, and he can't understand why so few officers feel the same. "It is infuriating to me that officers are not lined up to accept responsibility for what happened. It blows my mind that officers are not. It should've started with the chain of command at Abu Ghraib, and anybody else that witnessed anything that violated the Geneva Conventions or anything that could be questionable should've been standing up saying, 'This is what happened. This is why I allowed it to happen. This is my responsibility.' That's basic officership. That's what you learn at West Point."

Last July, amid news of abusive interrogations at Guantánamo featuring a disturbingly familiar story of a prisoner forced to wear a leash and women's underwear, John McCain started floating an amendment to ban torture.

In an immediate and surprisingly aggressive counterattack, Vice-President Dick Cheney began meeting with leading Republican senators to urge them to kill any such measure. To bring the point home, the White House threatened to veto any bill that would "restrict the president's authority to protect Americans effectively from terrorist attack and bring terrorists to justice."

In August, Fishback finally agreed to put Garlasco in touch with some of his men. Working together, he and Sifton were able to tape six interviews that uncovered a host of ugly new details. "We would give them blows to the head, chest, legs, and stomach," the soldiers said. "Pull them down, kick dirt on them...withhold water for whole guard shifts...withheld food, giving them the bare minimum like crackers...poured cold water on them all the time to where they were soaking wet and we would cover them in dirt and sand...broken bones didn't happen too often, maybe every other week...."

It was much worse than anything Fishback had seen.

Dismayed, he went back for another meeting with Lieutenant Colonel Hagen, then one more. In an e-mail, he told Garlasco that the stuff on TV was breaking his heart. He couldn't watch the administration's "highly crafted talking points" without wanting to weep for his country. "I'm almost ready to go forward. Can you get to McCain?

"Finally, Senator McCain gave him an appointment. But just before the appointed day, a Senate staffer called the Pentagon to clear the interview. A few hours later at Fort Bragg, Fishback's supervisor asked if he had a pass to leave the base.

No, Fishback said, he hadn't applied for one yet.

Don't bother, the supervisor told him. You won't get one.

Also, the Army Criminal Investigation Division was going to begin an investigation into his charges. He would be needed to answer questions. So would the sergeants who talked to Garlasco and Sifton.

Starting with an implicit threat to the whistle-blowers, the CID promised to investigate only the beatings and broken bones, ignoring the larger point about the collapse of standards that gave rise to those extreme acts. Bristling under the pressure, Fishback gave Garlasco permission to pass on his much-revised Summary of Concerns. "I want Mr. McCain's office to control the information; use it however they want."

A week later, a Senate staffer leaked Fishback's story to Time magazine and Garlasco rushed out his report, which still referred to Fishback as "Captain C." With that, the story jumped onto front pages and TV news all over the world. Down at Fort Bragg, as CID investigators continued to grill Fishback, he allowed himself a rare burst of public frustration in a phone call with The New York Times. "They're asking the same questions over and over again," he said. "They want the names of the sergeants, and they keep asking about my relationship with Human Rights Watch.

"But the story gave wings to McCain's amendment. He had honed it to its purest form, simply asking the Army to follow the rules in the Army Field Manual. On October 5, he rose to the Senate floor and paid tribute to Fishback. For seventeen months, "this one brave soldier" stood up and took a stand, he said, demanding an answer to a simple and essential question. What did America really stand for? What are the standards? It was like a scene out of a Frank Capra movie. "I thank God every day that we have men and women the caliber of Captain Fishback serving in our military. I believe the Congress has a responsibility to answer this call."

That afternoon the Senate passed his amendment with an overwhelming vote of ninety to nine—an unprecedented rebuke of the President of the United States of Amer¬ica by members of his own party.

It would be nice to end the story there, with the balance restored to our happy land of dreams. But the counterattack came swift and fierce. The first target was Fishback. The Army allowed one spokesman to dismiss his concerns as "verbiage" and another to say they were just philosophical, not a formal complaint. "It's just a shame that he didn't bring it to somebody in the chain of command in some kind of written form," said Major General Bill Caldwell.

Back at the office, Garlasco went through his hate mail:

"Your organization sucks donkey balls. Your entire organization is anti-American. Your bosses are assholes and your friends are scumbags."

And another:

"Fuck you dickless pukes."

And another:

"You bunch of bed-wetting assholes want to pamper monsters who kill women and children regularly and gleefully. Why don't you get the fuck out of this country and join your fellow shitheads in Paris?"

Then we tumble down the rabbit hole. In January, President Bush adds a "signing statement" to the McCain amendment that says that he will construe the law "in a manner consistent with the constitutional authority of the President," meaning that the White House will do exactly as it pleases and Congress be damned. A fight explodes over a secret ten-page section on interrogation being added to the new Army Field Manual, which subverts the McCain amendment by other means. In the trial of an Abu Ghraib dog handler, the general who originally introduced the snarling dogs and stress positions at the prison refuses to testify on the grounds that he might incriminate himself. The colonel who supervised the Abu Ghraib interrogators is given immunity to testify against his troops, which is like giving a drug lord immunity to testify against a small-time user. The Justice Department begins investigating reporters and their sources.

The pressure reaches down to John Sifton and Marc Garlasco. While Garlasco had been consumed with taking the testimony of sol¬diers, Sifton, a scholarly thirty-two-year-old lawyer, had committed himself to searching for the truth about the CIA's secret prisons.

For his troubles, Sifton finds himself on a collision course with the government.

In February he receives a solid tip from a reputable source that the CIA has put a new secret prison in Mauritania. So he hops on a plane and two days later, he's walking up a flight of marble stairs at the presidential palace to meet a senior government official and ask a bunch of pointless questions about Mauritania's security arrangements before coming to the point. What about the secret prison?

The government official laughs. That sounds like nonsense to me, he says.

Back in New York, at the modest Empire State Building offices of Human Rights Watch, looking glum and tired, Sifton briefs Garlasco. "I went at it from every different angle. I set up interviews with all these officials and politicos and army people. They all said the old government would have done it in a heartbeat—not these new guys."

"So our source was wrong?"

"I think he got bad information."

A year and a half ago, through a reporter at Newsweek, Sifton got a look at a batch of flight logs that linked CIA planes to the secret prisons that hold several dozen "high value" prisoners, including Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the architect of 9/11. The logs seemed to point to one location in Poland and another possibly in Romania. On a trip to Afghanistan last September, Sifton was able to connect the transfer of the ghost prisoners to a specific flight that had landed at a small airfield in Poland, which suggested that the world's most notorious terrorists were being held in an old Soviet-era intelligence facility nearby. A couple of reporters were coming to the same conclusion, but nobody had published anything. Twice the story was about to hit the press, first in the Washington Post piece that won Dana Priest a controversial Pulitzer prize. After the editor of the Post was summoned to a meeting with President Bush himself, Priest withheld the words Poland and Romania from her story when it was published in early November, adding this disclaimer: "The Washington Post is not publishing the names of the Eastern European countries involved in the covert program, at the request of senior U. S. officials."

Stunned by this, Sifton told every journalist who called where he thought the prisons might be. From then on, every newspaper or news broadcast that ran a story on the se¬cret prisons in Poland and Romania attributed the information not to its own reporting but to Human Rights Watch.

Finally, on December 5, an ABC reporter named Brian Ross told Sifton he had made the breakthrough, confirming the prison sites through his own CIA sources. Would Sifton give a supporting quote on camera for the evening show?

He certainly would.

But when the show aired that night, it started with an announcement: "ABC News has been able to identify two countries in Eastern Europe where there were in fact CIA facilities to hold terror suspects in secret, but the CIA has asked ABC not to name the two countries, citing security concerns.

"Once again, the information was attributed to John Sifton. But this time, his pale, earnest face was caught on camera. "The military and the CIA are not infallible," he told ABC.

That's when the Justice Department began leak investigations, and Sifton didn't even have the thin protection of being a journalist.

In the weeks that followed, he and Garlasco stopped talking freely on the phone. There were nervous jokes about wiretaps. They grew careful of e-mails. Their sources dried up. On a crisp day in March, Garlasco is running cold calls from a thick duty roster of all the soldiers and contractors who have served at Abu Ghraib, complete with their home addresses and phone numbers—just a little telemarketing in hell. This number has been disconnected.... The number you are calling has call intercept.... The number you are calling has call intercept.... The number you are calling has call intercept....

Sometimes there are sudden breaks, tantalizing with possibility. Like the day Garlasco's sitting in his office when the phone rings and it's Sifton with a tip about a secret prison on a Navy vessel. Garlasco finds it in a military database.

"It's part of the Military Sealift Command Fleet's Maritime Prepositioning Force, operating out of Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, where it prepositions Naval Mobile Construction Battalion equipment, fleet hospital equipment, expeditionary-airfield material, and headquarters-unit-support material. It also alternately holds evil Arab terrorist motherfuckers.

"The source seems credible and the story has a certain logic, but the lead proves impossible to confirm. Late in March, Garlasco flies to Little Rock to meet a soldier with a story about abuse at a detention facility in a small base in a town called Al Qa'im.

"We're here with Ben Allbright, and the date is the twenty-first. Ben, I just wanted to make sure that we have your permission to record you."

"You do."

"So you were there when Abu Ghraib broke?"

"We were at Habbaniyah at the time."

Allbright is twenty-five years old and already has eight years in the military, having joined as a junior in high school. He's bright and patriotic and says that he would blindfold prisoners and bind their hands, then put them in metal Conex boxes that were like big ovens in the heat and that he'd hit the box with metal rods or rocks to keep the prisoners awake.

Allbright saw some guys get beaten. "I mean beat—bloody nose, bloody face. One guy, it started off with a couple gut shots, a punch to the neck. The chair had a little bar down here, you know? Shoved him down, put the chair on top of him. "There was definitely a push to get more intel," he says, a sense of "do what you have to do."

On April 9, Garlasco gets an update from Captain Fishback on the Army's investigation into his charges.

Marc,
Like I said on the phone, I won't be surprised at all if the investigation wraps up while I'm out in the field. I expect that the Army will try to portray HRW in a negative light. I am also still concerned about the investigation "scapegoating" younger soldiers with no officer accountability.

By now the plates are long gone, and Jeff has friends waiting. The mood turns for a moment. He doesn't know if it is true, Jeff says, but someone reliable told him they stopped the harsh interrogations after he left Iraq. Garlasco says he wants to give credit for the good things, and he would love to write that if he can confirm it. At the end of confessions like this there is always a feeling of emotional overflow, a kind of patriotic stir in the blood as these young men struggle with their vision of American decency. Jeff looks like a college boy with an especially aggressive sports buzz. Garlasco has the long patient mug of the coach who just decided to recruit him. "The things I saw were wrong," Jeff says. "I made a decision there in Iraq to start doing what I think is right. This is about clarity. Clarity is a good thing." They stand up and shake hands and there is a sense of mutual gratitude, a sense that something good has been accomplished. For Garlasco, the feeling lasts the whole time he walks down the hall and opens the door to his room and sits down at his computer, and also during the time it takes him to log on to Yahoo! News. Back in December, the Army said the new Army Field Manual would soon be finished and coming to a footlocker near you. It would answer Fishback's questions and McCain's amendment with some clear rules and old-fashioned standards. Then the delays began. Now it is being held up again, and this time Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld explains:

"There is a debate over the difference between a prisoner of war under the Geneva Convention and an unlawful combatant in a situation that is different from the situation envisioned by the Geneva Convention, and those issues are being wrestled with at the present time.

"And so it is that Garlasco drives back up Strom Thurmond's insanely green highway and misses his connecting flight and gets stranded in the City of Brotherly Love, finally arriving home in a small plane that slips through a battery of black clouds. At home, his wife is healthy again. His five-year-old is thrilled with her birthday doll, which can drink from a bottle. On his answering machine, he finds a message from a friend at the CIA who wants to talk.

Tags: torture

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